
PW Botha, who has died aged 90, ruled South Africa under apartheid for
11 years until 1989, and was gradually exposed during his long decline
as one of the most evil men of the 20th century, committed to state
terrorism, war and murder to thwart black majority rule.
The October
1998 report of the post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission,
before which Botha refused to appear, earning a conviction for contempt,
said he had been responsible for "gross violations of human rights". As
prime minister from 1978 to 1984, and then state president until 1989,
he was also chairman of the State Security Council, and made remarks "in
its meetings and recommendations that were highly ambiguous and were
interpreted as authorising the killing of people".
According to
the commission, he took no action against government agents who carried
out atrocities, and supported covert operations "destabilising the
governments of neighbouring countries". He also ordered police to blow
up the Johannesburg offices of anti-apartheid groups. The nickname
"Great Crocodile" was hard-earned.
Pieter Willem Botha was born in
Bethlehem in the Orange Free State, where his father, a "bitter-ender"
who had fought the British to the last gasp of the Boer war, was a horse
farmer. His mother was interned in one of Lord Kitchener's
concentration camps and the young PW, as he was usually known, inherited
the sour, bullying, anglophobic obduracy that became his trademark from
his parents.
He joined the pro-Nazi "Ossewabrandwag" movement in
1939, but, never over-burdened with moral courage, found it too risky
and left after two years, avoiding internment. A politician all his
adult life, Botha was already active in the Afrikaner National Party
(NP). He became MP for the Cape Province constituency of George when the
NP won power in the white electoral landslide of 1948. It sustained
Afrikaner political domination until ousted by Nelson Mandela's African
National Congress (ANC) in 1994.
The qualities he showed in
support of his ambition included ruthlessness, organisational
efficiency, discipline and a liking for hard work (he was still doing a
12-hour day in his 70s). This won the attention of the messiah of
apartheid, Dr Hendrik Verwoerd, who made him a deputy minister in 1958.

His
first full departmental post was as minister for community development
and coloured affairs from 1961. As such, he was paternalistically
responsible for the coloured racial group, in apartheid terms those of
ethnically mixed origin, concentrated mainly in Cape Province. As an
adoptive Cape politician, Botha always prided himself on his special
feeling for the coloureds. This did not prevent him from ordering the
demolition, as a blight on the city, of Cape Town's coloured quarter,
District Six.
As District Six fell, so did Verwoerd, assassinated
by an alleged madman in 1966 and succeeded by "iron man" John Vorster,
who promoted Botha to minister of defence. This cherished promotion
precipitated a lifelong love of the military, including acts of war and
covert operations at home and abroad.
Botha brought South Africa
close to self-sufficiency in weaponry, circumventing the UN arms embargo
where import substitution failed. The state-owned arms corporation
produced cannon that were regarded as the best of their kind. Major
warships, the latest aircraft and helicopters were beyond reach, but
three small submarines were acquired from France, while Israel proved a
surprisingly willing partner in such joint enterprises as missiles - and
nuclear technology. When the US secretly backed the increasingly
blatant South African interventions in the Angolan civil war against the
FPLA government backed by Cuban troops, Botha was able to acquire
munitions and spares in cornucopian quantities.

When Vorster was
kicked upstairs as non-executive state president in 1978 in the wake of
the "Muldergate" corruption scandal, the NP felt the same need for a
strong man as it had when Verwoerd died. Who better to face the "total
onslaught" by communists and blacks than the man who had built up the
strongest military power in Africa - even if his power-base was the Cape
NP rather than Verwoerd's Transvaal?
Botha soon stunned everyone
by pronouncing apartheid dead. "Adapt or die" became his watchword as he
foreshadowed "reform" without precedent. The world fondly imagined he
would abolish discrimination as he became the first South African leader
to visit Soweto, Johannesburg's south-western township, and travelled
abroad more than any of his NP predecessors. However, the furthest he
was prepared to go was to shift the great divide in South African
politics from between white and non-white to between non-black and
black.
But progress could not be stemmed altogether. One of the
most important changes under Botha's leadership was the legalisation of
black trade unions in 1979, giving African industrial labour a real
voice. "Petty" apartheid (anything but petty to its victims) was
radically cut back: the fatuous laws banning marriage and sex between
different races were repealed, the notorious pass laws, the British
legacy that controlled the movements of Africans, and the ban on black
freehold ownership were also scrapped.